the march from Rome
Croppi, Storace and Lanna. Wandering along the lines Lupomanno derby (if any)
Alemanno, Berlusconi and Fini. The government of the capital. The relationship with the powers of the city more or less strong. The fate of the mayor of Rome. The attempt at redemption of the Capital Centre. The future of the Roman right. These are some of the main questions of the taking of Rome "(Rizzoli, € 9.80), the inquiry with which Claudio Cerasa book explains who's boss in Rome, what happens when the city will change color and what are the steps by which Alemanno is trying to strengthen its leadership in competition with existing strong men of the center. Il Foglio called for discussion on these issues some players of the Roman right. And to talk about these issues, with Alessandro Giuli and Claudio Cerasa, have spoken to the commissioner Culture by Umberto Croppi, former president of Lazio, Francesco Storace, the director of the Century of Italy Luciano Lanna.
Sheet: E 'Croppi one closest to the target's book Cerasa: we begin with him. The book is a contribution to reflection on the mayor of Rome and its prospects. A good unit to start a debate on the right, the right to administer on an administrator that we have repeatedly described as a possible rival when it came to discussing Fini of the National Alliance and we have considered, as far as possible, as a possible star of first magnitude of the post Berlusconi.
Croppi: The target is not so much Alemanno, if one can speak of the target, but Veltroni. The thing that emerges from the book is the power system of Veltroni, Bettini and read (although the role of the latter two is a bit 'emphasis). If you can talk of Rome model, the model is this: a network of mediation made between manufacturers and high environments that matter to Rome and the attribution of a role in reality they have become places policy outside of the institutions: for example, clubs, lounges Romans. I could describe the construction of this model of power that Alemanno, putting together various lobby has managed to make his own. The mayor - that's my opinion from co-star of the story - the mechanism that has perfectly understood, used it for the campaign to undermine and driving in the first year of his administration has in part used that scenario failed to change radically profile and bringing the primacy of politics sull'intreccio business and good relations.
Sheet: Croppi, she has recently used these words: "I would say that the right to play the future in Rome with the national government. Even so, personal data, the ruling class has started to board. " There. The question is this: Alemanno has succeeded or not to endorse this system of power that stretched around Veltroni becoming its one of its own? And then the mayor has the right cards to be a potential competitor of the center or not?
Storace: And I'll be in for 'you?
Croppi: Seriously: Rome govern well for the last five years, of course, is a prerequisite for other ambitions. Meanwhile, we must govern the city well, then the rest you will see the end of the mandate. The model of power, however, is chiaro che per amministrare una città così complessa bisogna tenere conto di tutti gli interessi legittimi che sono rappresentati anche dalle forze imprenditoriali. Lo sforzo che sta facendo Alemanno, e mi pare anche con qualche successo, è riportare al centro il governo della città, che deve essere il governo degli interessi, ma attenzione: non devono essere gli interessi a governare la città.
Foglio: Lanna ha scritto per primo sul Secolo una recensione su questo libro, che non si può definire antipatizzante ma in cui ha mosso una serie di rilievi. Oltre ad aver notato alcune imprecisioni, ha detto che forse altri libri hanno esercitato meglio la critica costruttiva e l’analisi nei confronti della destra. Ma nel caso di Alemanno Rome and this is a book that is dealing with it in an organic way. Why did you use this attitude of distrust of the book.
Lanna: I mean, we want to talk about the doctrine Alemanno? The speech I think is very simple. Everything revolves around two facts: the necessary political alternation in a city and the voters of the left becoming right. Let me explain. What I noticed in the book is an ideological framework of reading this story that clashes with reality. I am deeply convinced that the majority of voters in Rome right now and we are brought right to win. But having met dozens of friends in the months left, too far left, who voted Alemanno still believe that Rome has not become right, but it's chock-full of citizens who do not reason with more ideological schemes, and more simply - tired of Veltroni and Rutelli - have wanted to try a third card, so choosing Alemanno. These are just some of what the right has always classified as "breaking the left." Well, that interpretation theory has become reality with the conquest of Rome. It is no coincidence that Alemanno has won just once in those suburbs that Democrats voted (or PCI) and is able to undermine that system of power that had transformed the management of the center of the old town administrator in simple Capitoline.
Gazette: Is there something that needs to be amplified. It is fair to say, as it supports Lanna, Alemanno that there was a simple alternation in the city and essentially the first pass - whatever it was - would collect the ashes of Veltroni and Rutelli triumphed over. It 's different: if there had been a Alemanno - a man who has a profile more identifiable than others - maybe it would go another way. Alemanno won Rome as Alemanno. We, then, we have defined the mayor of Rome a "Bismarckian" or a politician who cultivates a form of social authoritarianism updated to our times but at the same time, as he wrote Cerasa, knows itself as administrator only the insecurity of the citizen. In addition, Lupomanno had the shrewdness of a series of debts contracted prior against those who were the stakeholders of Veltroni, grillini by the clubs, the CDO Opera Roman pilgrimages. For the rest we'll see if he can give a profile of himself without having to obey the jerks who only receive.
Storace: This discussion began talking about what will happen in a few years. Well, let's start from there. I in Rome, Lazio, I knew the power in this city and think. On a national level, the leadership of Veltroni has been fueled by the shareholders who offered Goffredo Bettini, and not è un caso che con la parabola di discesa di Bettini il Pd abbia perso le elezioni. Quando a Roma parliamo di poteri forti parliamo di una cosa semplice: colossi che pretendono di comandare, gruppi che esistono a prescindere dai colori politici della città, e con cui bisogna confrontarsi e senza i quali non si può andare avanti. Anche per questo, io credo, la vittoria di Alemanno è stata un miracolo e non può essere sottovalutata neppure oggi. Alemanno è stato bravissimo a scardinare quell’insidiosissimo sistema di potere che era ormai entrato nelle viscere della città ma ora, a un anno dalla sua elezione, deve stare attento al rischio delusione che può compromettere la percezione della sua leadership politica. E questo vale anche per un discorso di carattere nazionale. Se oggi qualcuno mi chiedesse qual è la cosa più positiva che ricordi del primo anno di Alemanno, risponderei: “Il Pincio”. Lì sì che si è visto il sindaco, perché si è vista la volontà politica. Detto ciò, ovviamente il Campidoglio è una macchina mostruosa e di Alemanno tutto si può dire tranne che non sia un lavoratore. Magari da qui alle prossime elezioni regionali però dovrebbe stare di più sulla città perché non arrivino elementi di distrazione. Soprattutto deve smetterla di avere paura di se stesso, deve smetterla di andare in avanti rifiutando quello che è stato ieri.
Foglio: Credete che esista oggi una concreta possibilità che il sindaco di Roma riesca a ritagliarsi una statura politica capace di contendere la leadership agli attuali uomini forti del centrodestra? Insomma, a Fini e a Berlusconi?
Storace: Alemanno ha un problema. Ha paura delle orme. Ha paura di quelle sue orme del passato a causa delle quali teme di perdere la corsa per il futuro. Io credo che nel 2013, quando scadranno contemporaneamente il suo mandato e quello di Berlusconi lui non farà il leader del centrodestra perché è scritto che il successore di Berlusconi sarà un uomo della sinistra. Alemanno deve lavorare ancora più a fondo. Deve ragionare su come creare attorno a sé una piazza che possa dargli soddisfazioni anche tra dieci anni. Ma in questo deve essere più berlusconiano finiano that. This clearly has to play a game. It must be pleasing in his men and not have to worry about too much pleasure to those who do not vote at the end - as does Fini. Berlusconi instead has a winning strategy that consists in seeking in its constant excitation curve, because history teaches that groped for pleasure too attacking the curve at the end makes you no pleasure to anyone: Mario Segni docet. If you want to create around him a bit 'Alemanno of true leadership must understand that what he wants to do. Take the Roma camps. Do you remember what a mess during the election? It was a battle of the elements of the campaign but have not yet figured out who he is dealing with, what was done, what has changed. The truth, if I have to be honest, is that the enthusiasm is gone for the win, that there is a team around the mayor who is too inexperienced, that there are councilors who say things that they should not even think about, and that c 'is a mayor who essentially would need to reorganize the staff for groped to govern the city and instead does not.
Sheet: But Storace would be willing to open his fist and offering his hand to the mayor, perhaps even entering in boot?
Storace: No. Not that. I am committed to building a political project so I want to do what I'm doing. I do not wonder that the majority, but the junta mi interessa proprio. Voglio solo tentare di fare una cosa: capire se c’è un luogo politico in cui le idee della destra possono essere messe a disposizione. Francamente, oggi con Alemanno mi pare complicato. Troppe distrazioni. Troppo poco interesse alla città.
Foglio: Le distrazioni possono essere rubricate nella sindrome del veltronismo inconscio che attanaglia chiunque si sieda sopra questo tesoro archeologico storico culturale che si chiama Roma. Il punto è che Alemanno rischia di costruire attorno a sé una figura un po’ rarefatta di organizzatore del proprio consenso esterno immaginifico, tralasciando dall’altra parte temi per i quali è stato votato: dalla sicurezza alla pulizia. Un grande leader politico come is the mayor of Rome must instead have some names. Some objectives. Some goals can be built on which a real victory or a real defeat. Veltroni was sent away from Rome because he has betrayed a certain name of the city. Alemanno, at present, there does not appear that the reason that it has.
Croppi: For this type of reasoning we must rely on objective factors. We have a filtered perception of politics from the pages of newspapers. Do not forget, however, some data and some numbers. These, for example, we have just arrived at the Capitol and speak quite clearly. Alemanno's popularity is growing. It 'more than 60 percent. And after almost sindacatura two years of no longer than a romance, or opening of confidence. This is the objective perception that the city has Alemanno
Storace: If I had the perception that no "objective" would be a perfect phrase. Umberto, here there is no enemy. And the polls have no enemy that way? Remember that October Marrazzo was at sixty percent. Be careful: if there is a contender what is the alternative?
Croppi: The fact is that after two years here we are faced with the recognition by a large part of Roman society that Aleman is reliable and capable person, and that is keeping the promises. In some way - and this also applies to the Roma camps - there are results that have been acquired and there is some recognition on the part of the capital. It 'clear that a trend so strong we must take confidence from day to day. Alemanno came unprepared to the trust, but in almost two years has kept the promises in the eyes of voters, it did so with a big personal activities. And above all, without distraction. He has deliberately reduced its presence as a national political leader. As a result the public and the press know him only for what he does: the mayor of Rome. But it is a choice, it is obliged on his way, is the true test to become a national leader because she is the best way to practice skills.
Sheet: Croppi But it is certain that this is really the best way?
Croppi: The consensus around Veltroni has sunk from the moment the former mayor entered into a different perspective than the one for which he was elected. The Veltroni has ceased to be effective when he betrayed his constituents when he began to be something other than the mayor of his town, when suddenly a candidate for secretary of the party first and then chair of the Board. I think this is precisely why two years after heavily Alemanno defeated the center-of Rutelli and Veltroni was defeated by the mayor.
Foglio: E’ però molto importante che un sindaco di una città come Roma espicliti qual è il suo profilo politico. Su temi come la sicurezza, certo, ma anche su temi come la bioetica e come l’immigrazione ci dovrebbe essere più chiarezza. La domanda è questa: esiste una dialettica tra i due tra i più importanti esponenti della vecchia Alleanza nazionale? Esiste o no una competizione politica tra Alemanno e Fini?
Croppi: Alemanno e Fini rivestono due ruoli istituzionali che al momento li mettono al riparo dallo scontro o dall’incontro politico diretto. Uno parla dalla presidenza della Camera dei deputati, l’altro esercita azioni politiche che sono rivolte alla città. Su alcuni points, however, it is clear that there are significant differences. A particular point: since his first day on Capitol Alemanno said he would undertake civil rights but on the other side would never have spent on unmarried couples. Someone else instead I think he did a little reasoning 'different.
Storace: You see, I have a feeling that Alemanno theme Fini. It 'always felt as if his shadow above him and he could not take it off from him. Even in the simplest choice, in the most elementary. It seems like a whole.
Sheet: In what sense?
Storace: I agree with Croppi when Alemanno said that the mayor should do well Rome for five years, otherwise it loses its political heritage. I have no doubt that the perception is that the city is a good mayor. Above all, because no one gives him more responsibility. The lack of leadership, which seems a given context, however, could soon become a problem. I have had problems for a quorum in the Regional Council after the third year, not, as happens to Alemanno in common, after the first month. On the practice of city government, then I see a weak message. Also in the same protection in the capital. Possible that Alemanno had no contact with any minister who worry that Tremonti to oppose a cut off funding to Rome? Possible that Alemanno non riesca a imporsi sulla scelta della presidenza della regione? Ve lo immaginate Veltroni che prende posizione su questo o quel candidato e che poi viene prevaricato da un altro? Sarebbe stato un delitto. Invece qui nel Lazio c’è un continuo valzer di nomine. C’è Alemanno che lancia Andrea Augello come suo candidato, poi c’è Fini che impone Renata Polverini, poi arrivano altri politici che mettono in mezzo i propri nomi. Ebbene, se alla fine non verrà candidato l’uomo voluto dal sindaco è come se lui stesso venisse sburgiadato. Alemanno deve capire che la presidenza della sua regione è cosa sua e che se si perde qui il primo sconfitto è proprio lui. E’ un bene che Alemanno faccia campagna elettorale for this or that candidate, but there are glaring naivete threatened to burn his chances of future leadership. Tell me: who the hell is that gives this advice?
Croppi: Storace tends to simplify. Do not put on the table of positions means to apply not to discuss. It is true that the mayor will be assigned a key role in the election campaign and in the result. But is it right that there are no tears in his strategy: affarmare leadership also means being able to hold together many ideas and positions and the internal dialogue you will see that the end will be just what you will be moved Alemanno better.
Sheet: Renata Polverini means that it will not be a candidate?
Croppi: It means that Aleman will be what eventually will be moved better.
Storace: I honestly do not think it's a pride to be able to insist the latest flurry of Salò. Count what you do, and when that is done is still a little 'less than what you do not.
Sheet: We said that Aleman be a good mayor of Rome before anything else, but is also a symbol of Alemanno Right social and Storace knows it has long been the mayor's sister. The social doctrine of the right is a feature that has contributed to the fall of Rome. But now that thought a bit latita '. Today, more than Alemanno, Fini is that it often emerges as a man to break both on bioethical issues both on the social ideas (see his exhortation to the synthesis of capital and labor at the congress of the PDL). The result is that Fini cultivate ideas that are even more interesting in his own biography. On the other hand, however, Alemanno is a bit 'trapped in the stereotype of a national leader in ultra-sensitive positions and interests of the Church. In the fall of Rome is a key example, which is that of preferential treatment Opera Roman pilgrimages. Do not believe that there is a risk that impoverished his public image?
Lanna: These are arguments that touch on a plan too abstract. A plan say well as a bit 'too superstructure. If we start to think that there is really right or right bisamarckiana social reasons not to objective reality, but only with theoretical models that are used in politics to represent the interests of reality values. Let's talk about concrete things. I think the game is to give an administration policy Alemanno of Rome with a new model that leaves a mark. There is a phrase of Mehmet II, the Muslim conqueror of Constantinople, which I think is very significant in this regard. To the question "What is politics? Mehmet II said: "The art of building cities and fill the hearts of the people of happiness," that is actually built spaces and give a true social and insecurity with respect to the emergency, which is not only linked to the crime. If you are investing in an administrator wants these answers. These are issues which are called to give evidence of discontinuity and real decisions. Fines, potholes, roads ...
Sheet: Caution. It 's true that you want a well-run city is the first requirement of the city but then you also vote according to other criteria, such as trying to understand what it will administer the city. But it is clear that to be something must have been something and if you cancel the minimum shared memory would eventually pay.
Storace: Administer in the name of the city also means something a bit 'of the city in the hands of citizens. I want to put forward a proposal, a proposal which I will discuss in more detail with the mayor. I will be brief. In these days, Parliament has decided that the presence of the municipalities must not exceed 30 percent of the municipal companies. In Rome's Acea, which is a significant case. Today the town has a 51 per cent of this company is bringing water and electricity to the citizens of Rome. Here is the proposal: if I have to reduce to 30 per cent holding the presence of the Capitol because they do not introduce an experimental form of Acea private participation of workers? A number of individuals who put a little ' of pennies and make your company a symbol of the city? Because the mayor does not think to make a sort of Department of investments?
Croppi: Francis, you belong to an elite that is attentive to these signals, but symbolic, as the way is well described in the book of Cerasa are small cases, small samples that determine the satisfaction and dissatisfaction of citizens. These are the roads and then made promises that help boost the credibility of a mayor. Not words. Your proposal does not convince me then. I started to review the cornerstones of our childhood when I was in the right office from MSI. Participation does not think it's a good solution. It 's a fascinating proposal. To be concrete, opening the ACEA shareholding workers could cover some less than 1 percent and could even poor adhesion and some disaster. It 's very pretty but impractical.
Storace: Umberto, but how, remember? Do not you remember that the Christian Democratic Party has taught us that what matters is what you promise, not what you did. Come on, do not you ever noticed that in this country ruled for 40 years the DC but not for what I do for what they promise?
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